By Major Yared Bitaw

In December 1960, while Emperor Haile-Selassie (1892-1975), the last emperor of Ethiopia, was visiting Brazil, members of the security and military forces led by the commander of the Imperial bodyguard, Gen. Menghistu Neway attempted a coup d’état. The coup was put down by force, but its after-effects had reverberated as the first and important revolt against the archaic feudal system which was finally abolished in 1975. As we approach the 60th anniversary of the abortive coup, Ethiopia Observer is publishing a reminiscence of a man who took an active role in the process.

A popular Ethiopian musician had been, at one time, reminding the public that ignorance is bliss. In this respect, a historic event had taken place in Gondar during the reign of Emperor Haile-Selassie. As it had happened, accompanied by his retinue, the emperor was driving from the airport at Azezo to the palace at Gondar. Many people who were lining both sides of the road were appealing to the Ethiopian leader with the traditional words “Abiet! Abiet” – meaning roughly: “Hear us O King!” The Lord Chamberlain got down from his car and asked those who were voicing the appeal what administrative wrongs were being done to them. “No wrongs were done to us. We just thought why we should keep quiet when the Emperor was driving past his people.”

In accordance with the dictates of religious tradition, most Ethiopians used to regard the monarch as the representative of God on earth. It was, therefore, normal to cry “Abiet! Abiet!” whenever the Emperor was passing by. As I see it, it was in allusion to such people that the musician cited above was saying that ignorance was bliss.

It is self-evident that children of the nobility and the aristocracy were being provided with educational opportunities abroad during the reign of Emperor Haile-Selassie. However, beginning from 1941 in particular students of humble origin were being also sent abroad for further education.

Let us, for instance, take into consideration what had happened in the field of education in the military field. Through educators made available to Ethiopia by the Swedish government, a military school was established in Addis Ababa where high-ranking officers had received training in three continuous rounds.

When Ghirmame Neway and Gen. Menghistu Neway carried out an unsuccessful coup d’etat against the Haile-Selassie regime in December 1960, therefore, both soldiers and civilians had – in the words of the Derg regime – acquired a high sense of political awareness. It was a matter of general joy then that the number of educated and enlightened Ethiopians was constantly growing. That is, ignorance was no longer bliss.

The 1960 Coup

In my opinion, the December 14, 1960 disturbances were wholly the brainchild of Ghirmame Neway. However, because the movement had to have a military component for success, it had to have the backing of General Menghistu. It is evident that for a number of years the two brothers were discussing between them what to do about the oppression experienced by the Ethiopian people under the feudal regime.

When it was realized that the attempted coup d’etat had fizzled out by the third day (a Friday) when the Imperial Bodyguard was in disarray, Ghirmame had addressed the rebellious officers at the Guenet Leul palace at Sidist Killo in the following words: “Everything has not gone according to plan. However, since we have failed in our mission, it is our sacred duty at least to rid Ethiopia of these bloodsuckers [referring to the ministers and dignitaries to be shortly executed]. So don’t grieve over the matter.” That was the gist of the statement made by him.

There was no sign of panic, regret or hesitation visible in his face before, during or after the high-ranking officials and dignitaries were executed.

There are people who would say that the attempted coup d’etat had ended in utter fiasco. This is true. However, one can only reach such a conclusion when one examines the event in a general way. The monarchy, which was regarded as an idol in Ethiopia for centuries on end, was reduced to dust by the Dergh regime because of the precedent laid by the December disturbances of 1960.

My Own Duties

As soon as I reported for work on Wednesday (December 14), Gen. Menghistu congratulated me by shaking my hand. Not motivated by nor in deference to him, I expressed my heartfelt acceptance of the aims of the military movement. He then took me aside and told me that it was my duty to be in charge of the officials who were detained in various rooms of the military headquarters. Before my arrival, an armed man was in charge of the detainees in every room.

Although I did not share any political or military secrets, I was a wholehearted supporter of the attempted coup d’etat. However, in order not to be irrationally motivated, I consulted Major Tefera Wolde-Tensay, who was a close friend of mine, on the aims and objectives of the movement. That way I received a general briefing on the military and political situation. Beginning from his participation in the Korean War, Tefera Wolde-Tensay had won great renown in the Imperial Bodyguard through his military feats. Through the leadership provided by him, a military camp was captured in Korea along with its commanding officer. This was a matter of great pride to the whole of Ethiopia.

My duties at the Imperial Bodyguard headquarters came to a close at around 8.0p.m Thursday. I was ordered by Gen. Menghistu to send all the officials and dignitaries under detention to the Guenet Leul Palace. According to a previous order given to me by the general, I was supposed to spend the night at the Bodyguard headquarters and to report to the palace the following Friday.

At the Palace

As soon as I reached the palace Friday morning, people were talking about those who had changed sides in reference to Gen. Merrid Mengesha and Gen. Kebede Guebre “So-and-so has proved to be a traitor!” That was the news of the day. I had no particular responsibilities from Friday onwards. Except for Ghirmame Neway, everybody else had lost all hopes.

Colonel Workineh was writing down something which I do not remember word for word in a book of honor. The gist of the message was that the Ethiopian people should make all efforts to take the movement that they had begun to its logical conclusion. Gen. Menghistu leaned down over the shoulders of Workineh, read the message and expressed the opinion that they should all put their names under the message addressed to the Ethiopian people – and did so himself. Ghirmame was the third man to append his signature to the message. Major Yohannis Misikir was the last officer to sign the book of honor. Major Tesemma and myself failed to append our signature to the message through general negligence. Nobody had also asked us to do the signing.

Later, accompanied by a few of us officers, Gen. Menghistu left the Bodyguard headquarters to visit the troops who were guarding the palace. As soon as the visit was over, the troops deployed there retreated from the vicinity of the palace. This is to say that the palace was deprived of any defensive forces.

The step that the general then took was to have the Empress brought from her private villa near the American embassy to the palace for joining the officials under detention. Major Tesemma, myself and two other officers whose names I do not remember conveyed the order to this effect from Gen. Menghistu to Col. Angagau at the Empress Menen villa. “Leave me alone, go away, there is nothing I know about it,” he shouted back at us. This was immediately followed by volleys of shots from the loyal troops surrounding the place. It was a miracle that none of us were wounded considering that the troops were so close to us. When I now reflect on the incident, it seems to me that we had won some admiration for our pioneering derring-do from the soldiers. As soon as we drove back and reached the Martyrs Monument in Sidist Killo, we escaped safe and sound from machine-gun firings from American jets overhead and were back in the palace. We then informed Gen. Menghistu that Col. Angagau had deserted the movement.

It was clear to all that the movement of the Imperial Bodyguard was losing more and more ground and that the Army, supported by the people, was getting more powerful. The Imperial Bodyguard was thus asserting its superiority only over those it was holding hostage in the palace.

It is not the aim of this memorandum to downgrade the roles that Police Gen. Tsige Dibou and Col. Workineh, whose loyalty was always under suspicion, were playing in the attempted coup d’etat. As far as I am concerned, I had twice spoken to Col. Workineh. He had told me on Wednesday when we were at the military headquarters that he was not one of the coup plotters. Before we went our separate ways, I had also assured him that there was nothing I had known about the movement. On Friday morning, before the American Ambassador came to the palace, he drew me aside and offered me his advice in the following words: “Yared, why are you staying behind? Go and look after your children. There is no reason why you should die the death of a dog.” A few minutes later the usual rumors were going around: “Workineh has deserted! Workineh has deserted!” This had followed the fact that after talks held with the American Ambassador at the palace, Workineh and Tesemma Wakjira had left on the pretext of seeing back the envoy and had not returned.

Around 3 p.m. on Friday, those of us who were guarding the palace, excluding the prisoners, were between twenty-five and thirty soldiers. The prisoners were in two groups. The Crown Prince and Ras Imru were in one room. The rest of the prisoners were kept in a basement cell. Then the palace was surrounded by the army. Exchanges of fire were taking place and these were getting more and more ferocious. The stage was being set for night combat.

In accordance with the wishes of Ghirmame Neway, those prisoners who were being held hostage in the basement were executed in less than ten minutes. Following this, we got out, held defensive positions and started fighting for our lives.

The Army got closer and closer from all directions and used tanks for attacking our positions. It is to be recalled that on Wednesday and Thursday the people were applauding the actions of the Imperial Bodyguard. Now, the people began to march to the palace by condemning the “traitorous” deeds of the Imperial Bodyguard and by expressing support for the Emperor. I saw two or three people falling on the street when shots were fired at them from an automatic weapon by the general. “Surely, they are unarmed civilians,” I pleaded with the general.  He stopped shooting and said, “The Emperor is responsible for it all.” On my part, the hand grenade that I threw from the balcony of the palace at a tank failed to explode. I was not saddened much by this. In fact, I was congratulating myself on this failure.

Gen. Menghistu began to be worried with regard to the severity of the attack on the palace. He told his officers, “Instead of dying in the rubble of the palace, it is better for us to perish while fighting.” So we tried to retreat through the back gate. As we were getting out through that gate, we heard the sounds of shots from behind. An officer who had claimed to have witnessed the sad event told us that Gen. Tsige had committed suicide. Before we had completely left the place, one shot was fired by one of us in the basement. It was reported that Major Yohannis Misikir had killed himself. Because I was aware of the fact that he was standing on my right, I looked back and saw him lying dead on the floor.

To be continued.

Main Image: GERY Gerard Paris Match Archive 22 décembre 1960

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